"Maldon
was dead in the 40s. You could buy up a property for a song. Forty
pounds is all it took and our family bought up properties everywhere
and used to give them away to our relations. There were no regulations
as late as the early 60s. We built here in the early 50s and sent
our plans in and the council sent them back saying there weren't any
regulations. They said we could build what ever we liked. In the 20s
and 30s many of the weather-boards in Maldon went to Castlemaine and
more of them were going in the 40s and 50s. They used to be carted
away on Jinkas, a rig of poles drawn by six to eight draught horses"
(Jim
Lacey, 1997).
Maldon
did have industry other than gold mining according to Coral O'Hara
who is a third generation resident of Maldon, being the daughter and
grand-daughter of gold miners. She remembers a boot factory where
40 people were employed and a Mr. Morris shovelling the coal at the
gasworks. The town's social life, like many other country towns, centred
around the churches. Tea meetings were popular and old time dances
were held regularly. There was also much socialising between churches
of different denomination. Coral spoke of singing in every church
in Maldon, she mentioned a few of these, Church of England, Baptist,
Catholic, Presbyterian and the Congregational Church (O'Hara:1997).
Clunes
was also considered for the 'First Notable Town' honour. A scan of
census details in 1966, six months after classification, before it
had time to have an effect on Maldon, revealed the following information.
Three males and one female in urban Maldon possessed University degrees
compared with two males and no females possessing them in Clunes.
Allowing for an Australian Bureau of Statistic process which masks
certain details to protect individuals, this still clearly reveals
that Maldon and Clunes, were relatively even. How Maldon benefitted
from the classification can, in part, be seen by the following statistics.
In 1966,
17 males and 27 females had passes at leaving or matriculation level
in urban Maldon to Clunes' 18 males and 14 females. Urban Maldon had
30 males and 52 females with no schooling where Clunes had an even
ration of 38 males and 38 females without schooling. Urban Maldon
had 15 male and 4 female employers, 49 male and 7 female self-employed,
159 male and 84 female employees and 4 male and 4 female unemployed.
There were no males claiming to indulge in home duties in urban Maldon
but there were 175 females looking after the odd 279 children and
the 363 occupied houses and eleven occupied flats.
Clunes
equalled Maldon where male employers were concerned but had three
more female employers, twenty less self-employed males than urban
Maldon and an equal number of self-employed females as Maldon. Clunes
possessed 140 male and 69 female employees and no male and only one
female unemployed, a fraction of urban Maldon's contingent of unemployed.
For Clunes I could find no record anywhere in the census regarding
males claiming to be engaged in home duties, a cultural statement
concerning the era as much as the region perhaps, while Clunes had
125 females so engaged in a town that claimed 265 children and 463
occupied houses and ten such flats (ABS:1966)

The
graphs shown above and below depict a statistical comparison between
Maldon and Clunes in these respective years and indicate the degree
Maldon has benefited from the classification. Unfortunately in the
second graph, figures for Talbot were inextricable from the Clunes
A.B.S. statistics. However this only accentuates the point in question.
It also seems that 'Home Duties' has transposed into 'Unemployed'
over the intervening decades. Other points of note are comparisons
between 'No schooling' and 'University Degrees' over the two and one
half decades (also note that the scale for the bottom graph is double
that of the above).

Jim
Lacey, a long term resident of Maldon tells of attending meetings
where he had to fight for the acceptance of the classification and
intimated that if Maldon hadn't accepted the classification then it
would have gone to Clunes, Talbot or Dunolly. (Lacey:1997)
'We
had a few fights on our hands over it all. I knew we had to have it.
I remember a few meetings where there were arguments about the whole
thing, but we stuck with it and we got it through.'
(Lacey:1997)
National
Trust Classification is based on 4 levels of significance: national,
state, regional and local. A 'place' means a site, area, garden, landscape,
building, groups of buildings or other works including surroundings.
Once
a place or object is identified by the Trust as being significant,
it is included in the National Trust Register, which contains over
4,000 classified places at present and is a public document. (National
Trust:1997)
A number
of sources state the classification of Maldon as having taken place
in February 1966. The Castlemaine Mail however, on January the 11th
of 1966, issued the following statement:
'The Town of Maldon and its surrounding area has been classified as
being a 'notable town'. This advice has been received by the Shire
Secretary, Mr. S. R. Beach.' Mr Beach told councillors on Friday night
that the classification had been given by the Victorian division of
the National Trust. (Castlemaine Mail:1966a)

The
classification was actually made the previous year on the 6th of December
1965 and the plaque above, on Maldon's famous 'Bank Corner' (where
the Garage/Laundry now stands), is slightly misleading regarding this
detail.
On Tuesday
the 8th of February the Castlemaine Mail ran another article. This
article covered two aspects of momentum from the classification, both
of which were dominated by the surname of Lewis. The first of these
made mention of a Professor Brian Lewis of 'Melbourne University'
and 'The National Trust of Victoria', who attended the February meeting
to explain the reasons for the recent classification given to Maldon
by the Trust and the ramifications of such. (Castlemaine Mail:1966b)
The second aspect was an application from a Mr. Miles Lewis (son of
Brian and eventually a Doctor of architecture at the same university
now renamed as the University of Melbourne) to the same meeting for
financial assistance for the publication of a book on Maldon which
would include illustrations and about 50,000 words (The Essential
Maldon, see Bibliography).
To mention yet another 'Lewis' who features even more heavily in this
'tale of two towns' the Victorian Government commissioned the firm
of Jacobs Lewis Vines, Architects, to study the town and Mr. Nigel
Lewis in particular (cousin of the afore-mentioned Lewis'), an architect
of this firm, to set up an architectural advisory service to assist
the residents of Maldon with suggestions for restoration work, free
of charge. (Blackman:1978:138)
The
fall-out from the classification took several shapes. Local residents
wary of restrictions and potentially nosy tourists, rejected it; commercial
interests from outside Maldon moved in and erected bogus historic
signage and decorations; tourists flocked to Maldon on weekends to
unwittingly buy antiques that had actually been brought up from Melbourne
on the Friday; and tourists began destroying the environment with
litter. (Lewis:1983:138)
Tourists tend to pose a threat to the fabric of the town itself and
then there is the commercialisation aspect as well as the litter.
The tourists come to see the mines or historic buildings and if they
don't buy anything else they will buy an ice-cream and when they have
gone the ice-cream wrapper is still lying on the ground. (Moore:1997)
According
to Bill Moore, the Shire Engineer of Maldon from 1973 until 1989,
The National Trust regretted their decision (to classify the whole
town) soon after because they now had the problem of somehow preserving
all these buildings without actually having the funds to do it themselves
or the legislation to support them (Moore:1997). In 1967, over a year
after the classification, there was still no town planning powers
in existence in Victoria to control conservation areas and they weren't
included in the Town Planning Act until 1972, the final inclusion
largely due to the situation in Maldon. (Lewis:1983:139)
'The
older residents of Maldon, and some of them were quite elderly, just
said they had lived here all their lives and if they wanted to put
an aluminium verandah or whatever on their house they would, and nobody
was going to stop them. We found it better to let them do some things
and stand firm on others.' (Moore:1997)
The
only avenue The National Trust could find to protect their classified
town was through town planning regulations and so an interim development
order was drawn up to prevent buildings from being altered or destroyed
until the Town and Country Planning Board could produce a draught
planning scheme. It wasn't until 1977 when the Maldon Conservation
study was finalised by 'Jacobs Lewis Vines, Architects' in conjunction
with Dr. Miles Lewis that the picture became clear enough to ease
tensions between residents and official bodies. (Moore:1997)
The council were cranky at first but they came around. I told them
if people were good enough to spend their money in Maldon then they
were good enough to be left alone. (Lacey:1997)
In 1977
- 78 the State Ministry for Planning finally provided the first allotment
of funds for restoration in Maldon and this was in the form of repayable
loans. (Blackman:1978:138)
Perhaps Miles Lewis summed up the cause of the problems best when
he stated that the crux was the initial absence of guidelines for
applicants considering alterations or additions to their buildings.
(Lewis:1983:139)
'Building plans were a bit tricky soon after the classification but
eventually they were easy to get passed. There has never been any
trouble with painting. We have always been able to use what ever colours
we wanted' (Lacey:1997). ( I took this to mean that he had not personally
experienced any conflicts regarding the use of certain colours.)
'We
had all this garbage about what colours you could use. Well I can
tell you the houses here in the old days weren't all these 'heritage
greens' and 'maroons' or whatever, people just used what ever paints
they could get. The houses were all sorts of colours' (Burchill:1997).
'. .
. . because the average owner was quite unused to the idea that his
choice should be restricted, and even if he accepted the need for
control, he was usually grossly misinformed as to what were normal
Victorian colours' (Lewis:1983:139).
Lewis
goes on to explain that when a table of colours and samples were finally
made available in the shire offices, tensions relaxed due to the fact
that there was quite obviously still a wide range of choices to be
made (Lewis:1983:139).
Included in the Maldon conservation study was the following excerpt
which also made reference to a technical guide for colours in the
appendices.
4.1.1
Research has indicated that very few buildings within the Historic
Interest Zone have maintained their original paint work or have been
repainted their original colours. . . . Painted brickwork should either
be stripped chemically, if possible, or repainted to match the original
brick work colour but not sand blasted. (Jacobs:1977:1-6)
To all
appearances the publicity surrounding the controversial issue of restrictions,
far from putting people off, only served to draw more attention to
the town and bring more tourists, tourist operators and real estate
investors. It also brought Ian Huxley who founded the Maldon Folk
Festival.
[written
and researched by Graham H Dodsworth]